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When Are Antidepressants Better
Than Psychotherapy?
By: Michael G. Conner, Psy.D, Clinical, Medical &
Family Psychologist
More Information: www.CrisisCounseling.org
Phone: 541 388-5660
In a 2002 review of research, Kirsch and Antonuccio
(1) concluded that meaningful difference are lacking between
antidepressants and placebos. In 1998 Kirsch and Sapirstein (2) as well as
Kirsch and others (3) concluded the effects of antidepressant medication
are weaker in children than in adults. Their conclusions regarding
children are consistent with those found in all 7 prior reviews of the
effects of antidepressants in depressed children (4,5,6,7,8,9,10).
In 2002, Kirsch and others (11) reviewed all
applications for antidepressant medications to the US Food and Drug
Administration. An examination of all submitted trials of newer
antidepressant medications, found that the benefit of antidepressant
medications was much smaller when all studies were considered rather than
when only the published studies.
In 2004, the National Institute for Mental Health (NIMH)
(12) conducted a clinical trial of 439 adolescents with major depression
at 13 sites nationwide. The study compared cognitive-behavioral therapy (CBT)
with Prozac which is the only antidepressant approved by the Food and Drug
Administration for use in children and adolescents. At 12 weeks the
combination of medication and psychotherapy was deemed the most effective
treatment. Compared with placebo, the combination of Prozac with CBT was
statistically significant using the Children's Depression Rating
Scale-Revised. Compared with Prozac alone and CBT alone, treatment using
Prozac with CBT was superior. It was concluded that Prozac alone was a
superior treatment to CBT alone. Rates of response for Prozac with CBT
were 71%; Prozac alone, 60%; CBT alone, 43%; and placebo, 35%. This study
suggests that approximately 26% of people placed on Prozac alone will
benefit by the 12th week. But, 37% of the people placed on psychotherapy
and Prozac will benefit by the 12th week.
In this same study, clinically significant suicidal
thinking, which was present in 29% of the sample at baseline, improved
significantly in all 4 treatment groups. Prozac with CBT showed the
greatest reduction. Seven (1.6%) of 439 patients attempted suicide and
there were no completed suicides. The combination of Prozac with CBT
offered the most favorable tradeoff between benefit and risk for
adolescents with major depressive disorder. When the investigators used a
broader definition of harm-related events to include suicidal and
nonsuicidal behavior such self-harm, increase in suicidal ideas, or
thoughts or acts of harm to others or property, they found a significantly
higher rate in the Prozac groups (13).
In 2004 Kirsch and Antonuccio (14) testified before
the Food and Drug Administration stating there are a total of 12 published
randomized clinical trials (RCT) in the entire world literature of
treating children with antidepressants. Eight of these 12 trials failed to
find any significant benefit of medication over inert placebo. Only 4 of
the RCTs claimed significant differences between drug and placebo, and
those did so only on clinician rated measures, not patient rated measures.
Three of the clinical trials did not report means and/or standard
deviations, leaving 9 for a meta-analysis. When these nine studies are
combined the improvement attributed to placebo was 87%. Overall, this
means that no more than 13% of people who improved actually benefited from
antidepressants. No more that 25 % of people who improved responded to
SSRIs like Prozac. This meta-analysis indicates that Tricyclic
Antidepressants (TCAs) have no significant pharmacological effect on
depression in children. In effect, 75% of the SSRI response and 97% of the
TCA response is placebo or consequences that are associated with the
passage of time. While the effects of Selective Serotonin Reuptake
Inhibiters (SSRIs) like Prozac are statistically significant, there was no
evidence in these studies that the use of these drugs was clinically
significant.
In 2004, Pampallona and others (15) conducted a
meta-analysis and found that combined psychotherapy and medications with
adults were more effective than psychotherapy alone. They also found that
psychotherapy can help keep patients in drug therapy They recommended
further research to explore interventions that might serve as a “treatment
compliance mechanism” for drug therapy.
In 2005, after an extensive review, Arroll and
others (16) found only 15 studies based in primary care that met inclusion
criteria and provided evidence for the comparative efficacy of tricyclics
and SSRIs vs placebo. Adult patients responded to 56% to 60% to
antidepressants compared with 42% to 47% for placebo. 40 to 44% did not
improve at all. As such, only 13 to 18% of adults actually benefited from
an antidepressant. This systematic review is the first comparing
antidepressants with placebo for treatment of depression identified in
primary medical care. Both TCAs and SSRIs were considered effective for
adults but the effect was small. This comprehensive review is also the
first to show that low-dose TCAs are effective in primary care. As such,
prescribing a tricyclic or SSRI antidepressant in primary care is a more
effective clinical activity than prescribing placebo - but only 13 to 18%
more than placebo. While statistically significant, this is not a profound
effect.
In 2005, during a study of 240 patients, DeRubeis
and others (17) reported that cognitive therapy worked as well as a
popular antidepressant for moderate to severe depression. In the study,
patients on medication got better quicker. At eight weeks, the response
rate was 50 percent for Paxil, 43 % for cognitive therapy and 25 % for
placebo. But by 16 weeks, 58 % of patients in both treatment groups were
feeling better. Patients who got 16 weeks of cognitive therapy also had
about the same relapse rate a year later as people who took an
antidepressant the whole time. If people quit taking Paxil after 16 weeks,
their relapse rate was twice that of therapy patients who had 16 weeks of
psychotherapy. These findings suggest that psychotherapy is more effective
and will cost less in the long run.
Following their study, and during an interview with
the Philadelphia Inquirer on April 4, 2005, DeRubeis and Hollon (18)
stated that the American Psychiatric Association should change its
treatment guidelines for moderate to severe depression, which currently
call for antidepressants as the first-line treatment.
In 2005, Moncrieff and Kirsch (19) reported that
longitudinal follow-up studies show very poor outcomes for people treated
with antidepressants for depression both in hospital (20) and in their
community, (21), and most importantly, that the overall prevalence of
depression is rising despite increased use of antidepressants (22). “Two
studies that prospectively assessed outcome in depressed patients treated
naturalistically by general practitioners and psychiatrists found that
people prescribed antidepressants had a slightly worse outcome than those
not prescribed them, even after baseline severity had been taken into
account (23,24).” No comparable studies could be found that showed a
better outcome in people prescribed antidepressants in the long term.
In their 2005 review Moncrieff and Kirsch (19) also
found that some authors have suggested a causal association between
increased antidepressant prescribing since 1990 and reduction of overall
suicide rates observed in some countries. However, other researchers have
pointed out that drops in overall suicide rates started long before this
period, and suicide rates have increased in some age groups and some
countries despite increased antidepressant prescribing. Meta-analyses of
data from controlled trials have not found reduced rates of suicide or
suicidal behavior in drug use compared with placebos. The positive effect
of antidepressants on suicide rates in the long term is unclear. Moncrieff
and Kirsch also conclude that recent meta-analyses show SSRI’s have no
clinically meaningful advantage over placebo. Claims that antidepressants
are more effective in more severe cases of depression have little evidence
to support them.
Antidepressants: Reality or Myth ?
Why do professionals and the public believe that
antidepressants are an effective first-line treatment approach? There are
a number of research designs and methodology errors that can explain
isolated findings as well as why research can be perceived as positive by
professionals and lay people. John (25) described how false findings may
be the majority or the vast majority of published research. It can be
proven that most positive research findings are false. For example, the
probability that any research finding is true depends on the prior
probability that it is true. Isolated positive findings may in fact be
false if the preponderance of prior studies is negative. Negative findings
from single studies are generally not published. Therefore, patients,
professionals and researchers can be misled.
John describes how distorted reporting and weak
definitions of improvement are among the most typical forms of bias. For
example, an ordinal rating system is typically used to measure response to
medications. A person with a score of 40 may be more depressed than a
score of 20 but this does not mean they are twice as depressed. Other
biases include the researcher’s profession, career interests, funding
sources, size of the study and the complexity of disorder being measured.
In 2005, Lacasse and Leo (26) provide evidence and
present expert opinions that there is no evidence to support widely
promoted claims regarding the cause of depression, the effectiveness of
antidepressants, and how antidepressant work. Lacasse and Leo cite
studies, experts and leading scientists who conclude there is insufficient
evidence to support a belief that depression is the result of a serotonin
deficiency and that drugs like Prozac can correct this problem.
Furthermore, there is no valid evidence to support the conclusion that
depression is the result of a “chemical imbalance.”
Lacasse and Leo suggest that despite a lack of
evidence, and even evidence to the contrary, the pharmaceutical industry
markets and educates the public, schools and health care describing a
cause and treatment for depression that is not substantiated by research,
science and expert opinion.
Does Psychotherapy Work?
In one of the first reviews of psychotherapy
outcomes, Hampe and others (27) in 1973 evaluated the progress of 62
phobic children 1 and 2 yrs after termination of treatment or waiting
period. 80% were either symptom free or significantly improved; only 7%
still had a severe phobia. Successfully treated patients tended to remain
symptom free and to be free from other deviant behaviors as well. 60% of
the failures at termination continued to receive treatment and most were
symptom free 2 yrs later.
Smith and Glass (28) in 1977 analyzed the results
of 375 controlled evaluations of psychotherapy and counseling. The
findings provide convincing evidence of the efficacy of psychotherapy. On
the average, the typical therapy client is better off than 75% of
untreated individuals. Few important differences in effectiveness could be
established among very different types of psychotherapy.
In 1979, Lesser (29) reviewed traditional
psychotherapy outcome studies, which show that psychotherapy is more
effective than placebo, long-term psychotherapy is as effective as brief,
and limited hard data are available as to the effectiveness of the
psychotherapies used. Cost-benefit studies show that brief psychotherapy
is cost effective, while long-term psychotherapy clearly reduces
hospitalization costs.
In 1981, Andrews and others (30) analyzed the
results of 81 controlled psychotherapy trials. The condition of the
typical patient after treatment was better than that of 77% of untreated
controls measured at the same time, and the rate of relapse in the first 2
years was small.
Also in 1981, Tramontana (31) describes and
critically evaluate studies on individual, group, and family therapy that
were published from 1967 through 1977. Five were judged as exemplary in
methodological scope and rigor. The greater weight of available evidence
on adolescents does point toward the superiority of psychotherapy over
no-therapy conditions, with the median rate of positive outcome with
psychotherapy being approximately 75%, compared with a rate of 39% without
psychotherapy.
In 1982, Smith (32) applied meta-analysis to 475
studies of the effectiveness of psychotherapy and 112 studies of the
comparative effects of psychotherapy and psychoactive drugs. Their
analysis showed that psychotherapy is effective in enhancing psychological
well-being, regardless of the way it is measured by researchers. Drug
therapy, while combining well with psychotherapy, is not more effective
than psychotherapy alone.
In 1985, Casey and others (33) examined 75 studies.
Results show that therapy with children was similar in effectiveness to
therapy with adults; treated children achieved outcomes about two-thirds
of a standard deviation better than untreated children. Although
behavioral treatments appeared to be more effective than non-behavioral
treatments, this apparent superiority was due largely to the types of
outcome and target problems included in behavioral studies.
In 1986, Howard and others (34) analyzed data based
on more than 2,400 patients, covering a period of more than 30 yrs of
research. Results indicated that by 8 sessions approximately 50% of
patients were measurably improved, and approximately 75% were improved by
26 sessions.
In 2002, Wampold and others (35) conducted a
meta-analysis of studies that compared Cognitive Therapy (CT) to ‘other
therapies’ in an earlier meta-analysis, except that in this meta-analysis
“other therapies” were classified as bona fide and non-bona fide. Bona
fide treatments were defined as treatments with therapeutic rationale for
depression. The benefits of CT were found to be approximately equal to the
benefits of bona fide non-CT and behavioral treatments, but superior to
non-bona fide treatments. The results of this study support the conclusion
that all bona fide psychological treatments for depression are equally
efficacious.
In 2003 Hubble, Duncan and Miller (36) published a
comprehensive review and analysis of psychotherapy process and outcomes.
They determined the proportion of improvement in psychotherapy was the
result of (a) the techniques used, 15%, (b) patient expectations and
placebo, 15%, (c) the relationship with a therapist (30%) and (d)
environmental and patient resources such as social support, fortuitous
events, and patient strengths, 40%. Placebo and expectancy effects in
psychotherapy are less than those found in treatment with
anti-depressants. Placebo and patient expectation are generally defined as
hope, desire or a belief that change will occur.
In an extensive review of research, Hunsley (37) in
2003 outlined how “empirical evidence has demonstrated that psychological
interventions can effectively treat a wide range of child and adult health
problems. The focus of this review is on cost issues associated with
psychological interventions, including cost-effectiveness and cost offset
(i.e., a reduction in health care costs attributable to effective
intervention).” Hunsley concluded that evidence thus far has demonstrated
“that psychological interventions can be more cost-effective than optimal
drug treatment. For example, although having comparable effectiveness,
cognitive-behavioral treatments for panic disorder and for depression have
been estimated to cost approximately one-third less than pharmacological
treatment. Most important he points out that a recent meta-analysis of 91
research studies published between 1967 and 1997 found that average health
care cost savings due to psychological intervention were in the range of
20–30% across studies, and 90% of the studies reported evidence of a
medical cost offset. As of 2003 there is overwhelming evidence that
psychological treatments (a) can be cost-effective forms of treatment and
(b) have the potential to reduce health care costs, as successfully
treated patients typically reduce their utilization of other health care
services.”
Hunsley also describes how many effective
psychological services result in a net cost benefit to health care
systems. This is how it should be in any health care system that truly
aims to improve the health of the population through effective treatments
to reduce pain, distress, suffering, and disability. “Psychological
interventions work for an enormous range of health problems and, although
attempts to promote greater access to these services must include
arguments based on cost-effectiveness and cost offsets, they should not be
(and have not been) totally reliant on economic arguments.”
Treatment Issues in America
In 2000, Berndt and others (38) examined 2222
persons employed as data processors at multiple sites nationwide. The
average daily productivity of employees with 1 or more mental disorders
for which they were receiving treatment was no different from that of
employees with no mental disorders. Despite this finding, which suggests
the effectiveness of treatment, the cost data were striking: "controlling
for age and sex, employees with more than 1 mental health disorder have
total medical expenditures about 10 times those of employees with no
mental disorder." When considered alone, the expenditures associated with
4 solo mental disorders. Anxiety, depression, adjustment disorders, and
other mental disorders (mainly substance abuse) were similar in magnitude
to one another, each averaging about 4.5 times the total medical
expenditures of those with no mental disorder.
Depression is the world's fourth most prevalent
health problem (39) costing the United States $30 to $50 billion in lost
productivity and direct medical costs each year (40,41). Persons who are
depressed miss work because of illness at twice the rate of the general
population (42). Health service costs are 50% to 100% greater for
depressed patients than for comparable patients without depression. These
increased costs are caused by higher medical utilization, not by specialty
mental health care (43, 44). Additional costs associated with depression
include impaired concentration, failure to advance in educational and
vocational endeavors, increased substance abuse, impaired or lost
relationships, and suicide (45, 46).
In 2000, the Agency for Health Care Policy and
Research (AHCPR), the Veterans Health Administration/Department of Defense
(VHA-DOD), and the American Psychiatric Association (APA) published
evidence-based recommendations for depression treatment. Pharmacotherapy
and psychotherapy (combination treatment) are recommended when treating
moderate to severe depression. When the depression is mild to moderate and
the patient is motivated to work on psychological and interpersonal
issues, psychotherapy is warranted (48, 49, 50).
Schulberg and other (39) in 1999 concur with the
AHCPR guidelines and concluded that referral to a mental health
professional should be a part of depression treatment, especially when
patients exhibit severe depressive symptoms (e.g., suicide risk; comorbid
medical, psychiatric, or substance use disorder; or failure to respond to
appropriate treatment).
In his review of “cost offset” in the treatment of
depression, Pomerantz (51) in 2001 stated that “antidepressants do not
cure the ‘medicalization of life’, which is something Thomas Szasz warned
about more than a quarter of a century ago. Furthermore, antidepressants
do not alleviate problems of living (e.g., pain associated with chronic
arthritis or diabetic neuropathy, low self-esteem, a rejecting spouse) or
completely eradicate the somatic preoccupations of either patients or
prescribers.”
In 2002, Olfson and others (52) found that between
1987 and 1997 there was a marked increase in the proportion of the
population who received outpatient treatment for depression. Treatment was
characterized by greater involvement of physicians, greater use of
medications, and expanding availability of third-party payment, but fewer
outpatient visits and less use of psychotherapy. The proportion of treated
individuals who used antidepressant medications increased from 37.3% to
74.5%, whereas the proportion who received psychotherapy declined
significantly from 71.1% to 60.2. The average number of depression
treatment visits per patient declined significantly from 12.6 to 8.7 per
year. An increasingly large proportion of patients, 68.9% to 87.3%, were
treated by physicians for their condition, and treatment costs covered by
third-party payers increased from 39.3% to 55.2%.
In their 2005 review, Keesler and other (53) found
that no significant changes occurred between 1990-1992 and 2001-2003 in
suicidal ideation, plans, gestures, or attempts, whereas plans among
ideators increased significantly from 19.6% to 28.6%, and conditional
prevalence of gestures among planners decreased significantly from 21.4%
to 6.4%. Treatment increased dramatically among ideators who made a
gesture from 40.3% to 92.8% and among ideators who made an attempt from
49.6% to 79.0%. But despite a dramatic increase in treatment, no
significant decrease occurred in suicidal thoughts, plans, gestures, or
attempts in the United States during the 1990s.
In 2005, Robinson and others (48) found that
primary care physicians as a whole initiated antidepressant interventions
more frequently than any other treatment for depression. In particular,
the physicians prescribed antidepressants for an average of 52% of their
newly diagnosed depressed patients, combination treatment (pharmacological
and psychological) for an average of 27% of the patients, and
psychotherapy alone for only 4% of the depression patients.
Discussion
Depression in children and adults is without
question a serious problem that has a significant negative impact on
health care and the economy of the United States. In response to this
public health problem, antidepressants are the first line treatment
despite evidence that psychotherapy is more effective and less expensive
in the long run.
There is also reason to suspect that the treatment
of depression by physicians has not had a profound or positive effect on
reducing suicidal behavior. More research is necessary.
In the United States, physician prescribing of
antidepressants for depression is increasing while referrals for
psychotherapy are decreasing. This is the reverse of what might be
expected since there is limited and minimal evidence that antidepressants
are effective with adults and children. Psychotherapy appears to be
effective and more effective for both adults and children than
antidepressants. Practically speaking, all competent psychotherapies for
depression are equally effective.
How then can our health care system recommend
medications without psychotherapy knowing that medications do not
alleviate problems in living? Some possible reasons for the higher use of
antidepressants may include (a) the introduction of SSRIs such as Prozac
that have fewer side effects than tricyclics, (b) aggressive
pharmaceutical industry advertising, (c) research publication bias, (d)
errors in research methodology, (e) an increased level of screening for
depression, (f) third party reimbursement for medications, and (g) a
greater number of physicians willing to treat depression in primary
medical care.
There is clear evidence that antidepressants can
help some patients. There is sufficient evidence to suggest that competent
psychotherapy should be the first line treatment for depression. There is
also evidence that psychotherapy alone can be prescribed for severe cases
of depression and that a combination of psychotherapy and antidepressants
can be prescribed for severe and unresponsive patients.
These findings suggest that there is a significant
gap between science and treatment of depression in America. Current
guidelines and recommendations for the treatment of depression in the
United States should be revised in light of research findings
internationally.
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_________________________
Michael Conner is a psychologist who serves on the
Board of Directors for Mentor Research Institute in Portland Oregon, USA.
Mentor Research Institute is a 501c3 charitable nonprofit research,
training and consumer information organization founded in 1996.
Dr. Conner is a psychologist who completed a
research and training fellowship in graduate medical education and health
education. He provides training, evaluation and intervention services for
adults, families and youth. Dr. Conner's practice includes clinical,
medical and family psychology. He is a Board Certified Expert in Traumatic
Stress, Emergency Crisis Intervention, Emergency School Response and
Sports Psychology. This article is also available at
www.CrisisCounseling.Com. Dr. Conner’s practice is located in Bend Oregon
and he can be reached at 541 388-5660, www.Education-Options.Com or
.
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